By Amer M. Madcasim, Jr. and Raymond Marvic C. Baguilat

Through Proclamation No. 944, President Rodrigo Duterte declared that Eid’l Fitr is a regular national holiday. As such, the whole nation is given the opportunity to celebrate [1] the festival with our Muslim brothers and sisters. The declaration further reasoned that the declaration aims to “bring to the fore of national consciousness” the religious and cultural significance of Eid’l Fitr.

The stark reality, however, is that as the rest of the population joins the celebration of our Muslim brothers and sisters, most remain oblivious as to what Eid’l Fitr stands for. Worse, is that some may even embrace religious stereotypes of Muslims, which effectively prevents any chance of creating a shared sense of national identity.

Just last 31 January 2019, a controversial memorandum from the Philippine National Police (“PNP”) required the identification of Muslim students in High School, Colleges, and Universities in the National Capital Region for for “close monitoring, networking, and liaising activities with Muslim communities in addressing terrorism and lawless violence, and to ensure respect of cultural diversity and cooperation.” Curiously, the memorandum focused solely on Muslim students, as if they have monopoly of the evils sought to be prevented. While the Memorandum has been allegedly withdrawn, it serves as a reminder that stereotypes and discriminatory policies exists.

Belief on these stereotypes is debilitating as it fuels discrimination, which in turn heightens inequality and marginalization. This is because stereotypes serve as the jump off point towards discriminatory rules and policies that generate societal norms.

The celebration of Eid’l Fitr should therefore not just be equated with the suspension of work or the need to perfunctorily greet our Muslim brothers and sisters “Eid Mubarak” (literally, “blessed celebration”). Rather, it should be treated as an opportunity for us to truly bring into the national consciousness the religious and cultural impact of the Eid. More importantly, it is the chance for us to start the conversation about the culture, history, and plight of Muslim Filipinos.

What are we celebrating?

Eid’l Fitr, known as the Feast of Ramadhan (or Hari Raya Puasa in Malay), is one of the two official Islamic holidays (the other being Eid al-Adha or the Feast of the Sacrifice). The Eid (Muslim festival), which has been celebrated for over 1,400 years now, is set on the third day after the end of the month of fasting. Since the Islamic calendar is based on the lunar cycle, the date varies every year.

The feast concludes the end of Ramadan ­– where Muslim adults fast from sunrise to sunset for a month. Fasting during Ramadan is one of the Five Pillars of Islam, which serves as the core beliefs and practices of the religion. Muslims during Ramadan and the Eid also observe charity as they provide for those who are in need. This practice is known as zakat (giving alms and blessing) and is also one of the Five Pillars of Islam.

In celebration of both Eid’l Fitr and Eid al-Adha, Muslims adorn their homes with beautiful decoration; and they wear their best clothes. They then give food and other gifts to their brethren, most especially to those who are poor and needy. The zakat highlights Muslims’ concern to others and their desire to create balance and protection to those who are in need.

To culminate the Eid, some Muslims greet each with the salutation Eid Mubarak or blessed Eid (“blessed feast”). Others, mostly within the Malay language-speaking population, greet each other with the expression Selamat Hari Raya or Salam Aidilfitri (“happy Eid”).

Understanding Muslim-Filipinos and Recognizing their Discrimination

Eid’l Fitr is expected to be primarily celebrated by over six million Muslims in the country, which constitute around six percent of the country’s total population. [2] Curiously, despite being the second largest religion in the country, Muslim Filipinos have experienced, and continue to experience, discrimination in all forms and in all aspects of their lives. While such discrimination is not always overt and malicious, these acts do contribute to the centuries-long injustice faced by Muslim Filipinos everywhere. This systematic pattern of discrimination is most apparent – if not, most dangerous – if it is committed by the government in the guise of “peace” and “public safety.”

A recent example of this, which was mentioned earlier, is the memorandum from the Philippine National Police - Manila Police District (“PNP-MPD”), which ordered its station commanders to collect personal information of Muslim students in Metro Manila in its effort to “strengthen[ ] peace-building and counter violent extremism.” [3] When the said memo circulated in the internet, it was slammed by Muslims and non-Muslims alike, dismissing it as prejudicial and plainly Islamophobic. [4] In the words of Deputy Speaker Mujiv Hataman, “[p]arang tinokhang ang reputasyon ng mga Pilipinong Muslim. Muslim children are being bullied, and those who ought to serve and protect them should not join in their abuse.” [5]

Policies like this not only reflect the false stereotype that Muslims are more inclined to engage in “violent extremism.” It perpetuates it. And the fact that this is enforced by our law enforcement authorities makes it more dangerous.

This PNP-MPD memo is by no means an outlier. In 2017, the Regional Joint Public Safety Coordinating Committee (“RJPSCC”) of Central Luzon announced that it will impose a mandatory “Muslims-only” I.D. system to “identify and weed out undesirable individuals and terrorists” in provinces in Central Luzon. [6] This “Muslims-only” I.D. system has already been imposed in a town in Tarlac, and was also consulted with a group of Muslim leaders. [7] Nevertheless, in addition to its constitutional infirmities, [8] some Muslim leaders denounced this proposal, calling it a “discriminatory measure” and a “dangerous precedent.” [9] As explained by the Human Rights Watch, “[r]equiring Muslim-only IDs in response to a perceived failure of Muslims to prevent Islamist fighters from entering Marawi City is a form of collective punishment.” [10]

It goes without saying that discrimination against Muslim Filipinos are not wholly perpetrated by the government alone. More often than not, it is non-Muslim individuals that perpetuate discrimination. This has been most apparent in the aftermath of the 2017 Marawi Siege, wherein more than one million residents have been displaced from the city and into the surrounding, predominantly-Christian cities of Cagayan de Oro and Iligan. [11] In looking for a safe, temporary place to reside, Maranaos have been denied access to these spaces, even if they are available: “Kahit may available na space, sinasabi nila na wala na once they see the kumbong (veil) we wear in our heads. May iba nga na hindi na nag-a-ask, basta nakita nila ang kumbong, wala o hindi na agad ang sagot.” [12] Discrimination against Muslims are not only limited to rent. As International Alert noted, after the Marawi Siege, Muslims have been “forced to remove their hijabs in schools or in their workplace just to conform to the uniformity” or “change Muslim-sounding names in their resumes just to get a shot at being interviewed or considered for jobs.” [13]

Some acts of discrimination are less overt, and, for the most part, mostly unintentional. These discriminatory acts are primarily brought about by non-Muslims’ vague idea of what constitutes a “Muslim”: how they look, what they sound like, and what they believe in. Amir Mawallil [14] observed that these “preconceived notions” inadvertently resulted in insensitive remarks against Muslims: “Oy Muslim ka? You don’t look like a Muslim.” “Muslim ka, bakit wala kang tono?” “Pangalan pa lang kriminal na.” While some these remarks may be deemed as “innocent,” it is undeniable that this creates a hostile environment for Muslim Filipinos who, even in the current state of affairs, are already marginalized and isolated.

Negative notions of Muslims also spill over to their desire for genuine autonomy. An example of this include claims about human rights not being a priority in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (“BARMM”). Such claims are not supported by the actual situation on the ground. Just last December 2019, the Bangsamoro Transition Authority (“BTA”) Parliament enacted the law creating the Bangsamoro Human Rights Commission (“BHRC”). Th BHRC is the first office created through the BTA Parliament, signaling that the protection of human rights is given primacy in the BARMM.

The BHRC, albeit in its infancy, is a capable human rights institution as it builds upon its former iteration – the Regional Human Rights Commission (“RHRC”). The RHRC has capacitated itself to keep the government honest and accountable in the region by engaging in various training programs on the investigation of human rights violations. Just recently, they have finished their trainings on human rights investigation with the University of the Philippines Institute of Human Rights (“UP IHR”).

Identifying and bridging the gap

What brings about this pattern of discrimination? This is not a simple question, as it requires an exhaustive discussion of multiple factors. Nevertheless, we preliminarily discuss three primary factors that may contribute to this problem: isolation, lack of representation, and historical injustice.

Group isolation

As stated earlier, there are over six million Muslims in the Philippines, 93% of whom reside in Mindanao. [15] This leaves most Filipinos with no meaningful interaction with real Muslims, creating a gap between what is real and what is perceived. Without these meaningful interactions, the caricatures and misconceptions towards Muslims are left unverified and uncontested; in effect, perpetuating these stereotypes further. This is not entirely an incident of geography. Social and cultural factors--such as pervasive feelings of difference, unfamiliarity, and distrust--worsen this problem. These stereotypes, no matter how “innocent,” will only discourage these meaningful interactions from happening in the first place. Using data from Indonesia and the Philippines, a recent study shows that “interreligious friendships,” i.e. having friends from another religion, significantly reduce negative attitudes towards the other religion. [16] This may be because positive interactions, such as friendship, promote trust between the groups and reduce perceptions of threat. [17]

Lack of representation

This issue is intimately related with the last one. It goes without saying that Muslim Filipinos are not well-represented--or even represented at all--in the national consciousness. This is true in all aspects of popular culture--from politics, to television and film, [18] to educational materials. [19] Even worse, when Muslims are depicted at all in popular media, these materials present them as the “other” and feature long-held (and false) stereotypes, such as deceitfulness and violence. [20] A similar trend may be observed in news reports: Crime-related headlines involving Muslim suspects also needlessly include the adjective “Muslim.” [21] Without positive representation, the status quo undoubtedly creates a vacuum for negative stereotypes to survive and develop.

Colonial and historical injustice

These two preceding issues did not arise from nowhere. Likewise, they did not emerge simply because of the “apparent” differences between Muslims and non-Muslims. Instead, they are also products of our country’s historical and colonial experience, which, from the start, was motivated by a “divide and rule” mindset: [22] encouraging Christian Filipinos to fight against Muslims developed feelings of distrust between these two groups. [23] These colonial-era stereotypes remain potent until today. As pointed out by Abdullah Madale, “there are still Christian mothers who frighten their errant children with the admonition: ‘There is a Moro.’ In Visaya, this is said thus: ‘Mahadlok ka sa Moro.’” [24]

Rüland, et. al. [25] narrates that prior to the entry of the Spaniards in the Philippines, most of the population in the archipelago followed the Islamic faith. It was only after the Spaniards came, when the spread of Islam ceased. Through the Spaniards’ efforts to demonize Muslims (calling them Moros as a pejorative label), and as a result of their constant agitation (which gave rise to reprisals affecting the now-Christianized population), Christians started to loathe Muslims. The abhorrence between the two continued even during the American occupation. The Americans recognizing the value of a divided population as a tool for subjugation continued what the Spaniards started. They then allowed movement of more Christian migrant settlers into Mindanao. Afterwards, even when independence was gained, Muslims still continued to lose most of their lands. By introducing an alien land titling system known as the Torrent Titling System, Muslims in Mindanao suddenly became landless within their own domain.

Rüland further explained that the entry of the Christian migrant settlers and the dispossession of Muslims also became the perfect brew for violence as various militias and private armies were formed in Mindanao. Then just before Martial Law was declared, the Moro Independence Movement (“MIM”) and the Moro National Liberation Front (“MILF”) was formed in 1968 and 1971. These organizations became the progenitor of the efforts to grant autonomy in the Bangsamoro.

Conclusion

The lofty aspirations of Proclamation No. 944 requires more than mere pageantry, sharing wonderful meals, or greeting others. To truly attain national consciousness and gain a shared sense of national identity, it is essential to recognize both the commonality and the diversity of the peoples who are celebrating their culture and tradition. In the same breath, it also requires educating oneself about the painful truths – of their agonizing history and the injustice committed against them.

It requires us to have meaningful conversations about our history and institutions, how they are configured, and how such arrangements create (or perpetuate) injustice. Declaring Eid’l Fitr as a national holiday is an invitation to commemorate, recall, and give respect to our Muslim brothers and sisters. What better way to celebrate Eid’l Fitr than to listen to their truth.

About the authors

Amer M. Madcasim, Jr. is an incoming third-year student at the University of the Philippines (UP) College of Law. He is currently a research assistant at the University of the Philippines Institute of Human Rights and an editor of the Philippine Law Journal.

Raymond Marvic C. Baguilat is a Senior Legal Associate at the University of the Philippines Institute of Human Rights and is a member of the faculty in the UP College of Law. He earned his Juris Doctor degree from the UP College of Law in 2011 and his Master of Laws degree from the University of Melbourne in 2016.

Notes

[1] Subject to the existing community quarantine and social distancing measures.

[2] “Factsheet on Islam on Mindanao,” Philippine Statistics Authority, Sept. 28, 2017, available at http://rsso11.psa.gov.ph/article/factsheet-islam-mindanao

[3] “Police hit over alleged profiling of Muslim students,” CNN Philippines, Feb. 21, 2020, available at https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2020/2/21/Police-hit-over-alleged-profi…

[4] Id.

[5] Id. (“It’s as if the reputation of Muslim Filipinos have been killed. Muslim children are being bullied, and those who ought to serve and protect them should not join in their abuse.”)

[6] Jun Malig, “Central Luzon authorities mull over ID system for Muslims,” Rappler, July 4, 2017, available at https://www.rappler.com/nation/174673-central-luzon-proposal-id-system-…; Carlos Conde, “Philippine Officials Propose ‘Muslims Only’ ID,” Human Right Watch, available at https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/07/05/philippine-officials-propose-muslim…

[7] Id.

[8] Jesus Falcis, “How We're Dehumanizing Muslim Filipinos With This ID,” Esquire, July 11, 2017, available at https://www.esquiremag.ph/politics/news/dehumanizing-muslim-filipinos-a…

[9] “ARMM opposes Muslim-only ID scheme, decries discrimination,” CNN Philippines, July 8, 2017, available at https://cnnphilippines.com/news/2017/07/08/Muslim-only-ID-discriminatio…

[10] Carlos Conde, “Philippine Officials Propose ‘Muslims Only’ ID,” Human Right Watch, available at https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/07/05/philippine-officials-propose-muslim…

[11] Pamela Jay Orias, “Displaced Maranaos in Oro experience discrimination,” Sun Star, June 21, 2017, available at https://www.sunstar.com.ph/article/148986/Business/Displaced-Maranaos-i…

[12] Id. (“Even though there’s still space but the owners will refuse whenever they see you wearing a veil.”)

[13] “Group wary of discrimination vs Muslims in urban areas after Mindanao bombings,” ABS-CBN News, Feb. 1, 2019, available at https://news.abs-cbn.com/news/02/01/19/group-wary-of-discrimination-vs-…

[14] Amir Mawallil, “’You Don’t Look Like a Muslim,’” Esquire, Dec. 4, 2018, available at https://www.esquiremag.ph/politics/opinion/filipino-muslim-a2238-201812…

[15] “Factsheet on Islam on Mindanao,” Philippine Statistics Authority, Sept. 28, 2017, available at http://rsso11.psa.gov.ph/article/factsheet-islam-mindanao

[16] Agnieszka Kanas, Peer Scheepers, and Carl Sterkens, “Positive and negative contact and attitudes towards the religious out-group: Testing the contact hypothesis in conflict and non-conflict regions of Indonesia and the Philippines,” 30 Social Science Research 1 (2016).

[17] Id.

[18] See Vivienne Angeles, “Philippine Muslims on Screen: From Villains to Heroes,” 20(1) Journal of Religion & Film (2016), available at https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/jrf/vol20/iss1/6

[19] Fritzie Rodriquez, PH education: Allergic to religion?” Rappler, Sept. 1, 2015, available at https://www.rappler.com/move-ph/80474-ph-youth-religion-education

[20] See Vivienne Angeles, “Philippine Muslims on Screen: From Villains to Heroes,” 20(1) Journal of Religion & Film (2016), available at https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/jrf/vol20/iss1/6

[21] Abdullah Madale, “Muslims: The Misunderstood Filipinos,” 46(4) Philippine Studies 492 (1998), 493.

[22] Id.

[23] Eric Casino, “Integration and the Muslim Filipinos,” 20(4) Social Issues ‘72 360 (1972).

[24] Madale, at 493.

[25] Rüland, Jürgen, Christian von Lübke, and Marcel M. Baumann. Religious Actors and Conflict Transformation in Southeast Asia : Indonesia and the Philippines (2019), 38-42.