The following is Farwa Aamer's op-ed in 9DashLine. Farwa is the Director of South Asia Initiatives at the Asia Society Policy Institute.

As global political landscapes evolve, the inclusion of women in democratic processes remains a critical yet often overlooked element of true democratic representation. Despite advancements in economic development and formal commitments to gender equality, a significant gap persists in women's political participation and leadership worldwide. The United Nations projects that it will take another 130 years to achieve gender parity in top leadership roles, highlighting the urgent need to re-evaluate how gender and democracy intersect in regions with dynamic political landscapes.

Southeast Asia provides a revealing case study in this struggle for inclusive governance. In this region, much like the neighbouring South Asia, a significant portion of women's political empowerment is concentrated among those from elite families or political dynasties. For instance, the recent appointment of Paetongtarn Shinawatra as Thailand’s new prime minister, and only the second woman in this role, highlights how influential familial connections often propel women into leadership positions.

While such cases may signal progress for women’s representation in Southeast Asia, they can also obscure the broader, more complex reality: the vast majority of women in the region continue to encounter significant barriers to entering and advancing within the political sphere. True political empowerment for women in the region will require more than symbolic representation; it will necessitate deep structural change that opens up the political sphere to all women, regardless of their family background or socio-economic status.

Historical Context and Contemporary Realities

In Southeast Asia, women's political involvement has been shaped by a combination of traditional gender roles, societal norms, and evolving political contexts. Even in countries where women have reached the highest offices — like Corazon Aquino in the Philippines and Aung San Suu Kyi in Myanmar — these instances are exceptions rather than indicators of widespread gender equality. Without strong family connections, women at the grassroots level struggle against cultural, patriarchal, and economic barriers.

In Indonesia, where the 2024 general elections highlighted the absence of female candidates, women's political representation remains a pressing issue. This year’s race for president was between three men, and women won only 22.1 percent of the 580 House of Representatives seats. It has been two decades since Indonesia had a female president, and the 2024 Global Gender Gap Insight Report reflects a political empowerment score of just 13.8 percent, with ministerial parity stagnant at 26.1 percent. Ironically, the men running for office rely heavily on the female vote — in the recent elections, 50.09 percent of registered voters in Indonesia were female.

Reflecting on Indonesia’s politics in recent years, a key moment in the 2019 elections was the appointment of Puan Maharani as the first female speaker of the House of Representatives. Maharani is a prominent member of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), but her rise is deeply rooted in her political lineage. She is the daughter of Megawati Sukarnoputri, the current PDIP leader and former president of Indonesia, who, in turn, is the daughter of Sukarno, Indonesia’s first president. This makes Maharani the third generation of her family to hold a powerful political role.

Despite their strong political ties, it is noteworthy that both political scions, Indonesia’s Sukarnoputri and Gloria Macaraeg Macapagal-Arroyo of the Philippines ascended to the presidency only after serving as vice presidents and when their male predecessors left office prematurely, highlighting how their rise was shaped more by circumstance than by direct electoral victory. So even when women attain top positions, their paths to power frequently depend on established male-dominated structures.

Enduring Challenges: Economic Marginalisation

Southeast Asia has made strides in improving women’s socioeconomic status, with expanded access to political rights, education, and employment opportunities. However, these advancements do not necessarily translate into greater leadership roles, particularly in politics or higher-level positions within the formal employment sector. Economic marginalisation, including limited access to higher-paying jobs and decision-making roles, often constrains women's ability to advance politically, creating a cycle where economic disadvantages also feed into underrepresentation in political leadership.

Traditional gender norms and entrenched patriarchal attitudes mean that women are frequently relegated to caregiving roles and domestic chores in the region or working mostly within the informal sectors. Across Southeast Asia, female entrepreneurs also face significant obstacles, including restricted access to loans, information networks, mentorship programs, and digital and financial education. Per a World Economic Forum survey conducted across six Association of Southeast Asian (ASEAN) countries, only 22 percent of women seeking loans actually received credit from commercial banks, compared to 28 percent of men. Such examples shed light on the gender-based economic drawbacks that are another shared challenge between women in Southeast Asia and South Asia, where deeply rooted cultural and religious traditions continue to prevent women from fully accessing economic opportunities. This broad exclusion naturally extends to politics which is traditionally dominated by men and often perceived as exclusive boys’ clubs.

With economic growth intricately linked to the Southeast Asia's dynamic youth population and human capital, failing to empower women — who make up nearly 50 percent of the population — significantly undermines the region's potential for progress. To overcome the challenges women face, Southeast Asian countries must adopt a multifaceted approach to empowering women, particularly in politics. Starting with the imperative to challenge societal norms that confine women to the private sphere. This involves not only legal reforms but also public awareness campaigns, media initiatives, and educational programs that promote gender equality from an early age and help create a level playing field.

Reforms should include the implementation and strict enforcement of gender quotas during elections, along with the provision of resources for women from all backgrounds who aspire to reach political leadership roles. However, even with such quotas — such as Indonesia's requirement that at least 30 percent of a party's candidates must be women — significant challenges remain. For instance, the civil society group Koalisi Masyarakat Peduli Keterwakilan Perempuan reported that during the 2024 Indonesia elections, only one party successfully met the quota for female candidates across all 84 electoral districts nationwide. Because of a change in the regulations of quota implementation, the 30 percent quota rule was not applied to every district, as it had been previously, but instead to the total number of female candidates in each party. On top of this, Indonesian political parties are now allowed to round down when assessing the number of women on their candidate lists, meaning that 30 percent of an electoral district with eight seats (2.4) can be considered 2 women instead of 3. These legislative loopholes and weak effectiveness of implementing both the quotas as well as any penalties for non-compliance highlight the larger structural barriers that continue to impede female political leadership.

Nevertheless, there are valuable lessons and good examples from within the region where efforts to institutionalise gender equality have yielded promising results. For example, the 2009 Philippines' Magna Carta of Women has advanced female participation across political, economic, and social sectors. In the years since the Magna Carta was enacted, the ratio of women in Parliament increased from 28 percent in 2008 to 49 percent in 2023. Meanwhile, Vietnam's 35 percent gender quota for electoral candidates has led to significant female representation in its legislature. Between 2012 and 2023, the percentage of women who held a seat in the National Parliament grew from 24.4 percent to 30.26 percent. Singapore has also made strides, with the Ministry of Social and Family Development achieving a 30 percent target of women on boards in Statutory Boards through its Council for Board Diversity.

Civil society plays a crucial role in advocating for gender-responsive policies and amplifying women's voices in political discourse, particularly by supporting grassroots initiatives. Systemic changes driven by political will and advocacy are all necessary, including the elimination of discriminatory electoral practices and the strengthening of legal protections for women's democratic rights. Additionally, it's essential to foster a mindset shift within political parties to empower female candidates and eliminate the bias that women can't be effective leaders. This effort should include educating male colleagues to support and champion gender equality in politics and other sectors. Though these changes are challenging and will not happen overnight, they are essential steps in the right direction. Dedicated funding and grants for female political candidates can further help women, especially those from less affluent backgrounds, overcome the financial barriers they face when entering politics.

The Road Ahead

The journey toward gender equality in Southeast Asia’s political and economic spheres reflects a mixture of progress and ongoing challenges. While the adoption of gender quotas and efforts to increase women’s representation in parliaments mark significant steps forward, these achievements only scratch the surface of a much larger, long-term commitment. Regional cooperation remains central to these efforts, with initiatives like the ASEAN Gender Mainstreaming Strategic Framework — developed with US support — ensuring that political, economic, and societal issues across the ASEAN Community are tackled with a focus on gender equity.

In 2023, the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly convened female parliamentarians to draft plans for boosting women’s political participation, underscoring the region’s recognition of the need for progress. Over two decades, representation of women in Southeast Asian parliaments has grown from 12 percent to 21 percent, yet this remains below global averages and international benchmarks, underlining that more needs to be done.

True and transformative change requires proactively addressing deep-rooted gender-specific challenges and the dismantling of cultural and economic barriers. By committing to this, women from all backgrounds — particularly in politics — can be empowered, creating an environment where the region can fully harness the potential of its female population. This will ultimately foster more inclusive and equitable democratic governance and economic development.