By: Abdeta Beyene

Africa’s vast resources, youthful population, and strategic location present a unique opportunity to reshape global partnerships.[1] Rather than remain a passive recipient of aid, Africa must assert itself as an active agent in shaping its development trajectory.[2] However, managing the intensifying rivalry between the United States and China poses a challenge, particularly without coordinated engagement from both powers. In this context, the United States and China have the potential to move beyond competition and instead foster meaningful cooperation in Africa.[3] Three key perspectives can guide this approach: neutrality, shared interests, and Africa-centric development priorities. By embracing these principles, both powers can contribute to Africa’s growth while avoiding the pitfalls of zero-sum competition that could destabilize the region.[4]

Introduction

The significance of the United States and China as critical partners in Africa’s development and stability cannot be overstated. Equally important is recognizing the agency of Africa itself—the continent is not merely a stage for global competition but an active participant, capable of shaping its own future and influencing global dynamics.[5]

There is an urgent need to shift the narrative from confrontation to collaboration, with Africa's progress as a shared priority and common ground for the United States and China. This cooperative approach acknowledges Africa’s growing geopolitical relevance, driven by its expanding population, abundant resources, and potential as the world’s next growth frontier. The stakes for both powers are substantial: stability and prosperity in Africa directly align with their economic interests, security concerns, and aspirations for global influence. However, uncoordinated U.S.-China rivalry poses significant risks to Africa's development trajectory. Competition can lead to fragmentation, which can force African countries to take sides, leading to inefficiencies, weakened governance, and undermined regional cooperation. The potential for proxy conflicts is significant, with rivalries destabilizing regions and threatening African-led peace and development initiatives.[6]

Moreover, rivalry detracts from addressing pressing global challenges including climate change, pandemics, and poverty—issues that disproportionately affect Africa. The opportunity costs of such a competitive approach are immense, with long-term implications for Africa and global stability and progress. Recognizing this, a collaborative U.S.-China approach in Africa is not just desirable—it is imperative. Economic connectivity is a critical avenue through which the United States and China can avoid destabilizing competition in Africa while contributing to the continent's development. Collaboration between the two great powers could be elaborated in the following ways.

1. Promoting Complementary Investments

   The United States and China should recognize that Africa's development needs are vast, and their economic activities can be complementary rather than competitive. For example, while China invests heavily in infrastructure development, the United States can focus on capacity building, technology transfer, and governance support, creating a balanced approach to economic connectivity.[7] In this regard, identifying synergies in joint ventures or co-financing initiatives between Chinese and U.S. companies can leverage their respective strengths, such as Chinese expertise in construction and U.S. innovation and entrepreneurship, to comprehensively address Africa's needs.[8]

2. Supporting Regional Economic Integration

   Strengthening African-led initiatives remains critical. Both the United States and China can support African Union (AU)–led projects including the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), which aims to increase intra-African trade and reduce reliance on external markets.[9] By aligning their investments with AfCFTA priorities, they could promote a unified and stable African market. Encouraging connectivity through cross-border transport and energy and communication networks enhances regional trade and reduces competition over isolated projects.

3. Establishing Transparent and Inclusive Practices

   Harmonizing standards and engaging local stakeholders remain critical. The United States and China could collaborate to establish and adhere to internationally recognized investment standards, environmental sustainability, and labor practices. This prevents a "race to the bottom" where countries compete for influence at Africa's expense.[10] The two powers could avoid perceptions of exploitation or neocolonialism by ensuring that African governments, civil society, and private sector actors are actively involved in economic projects.

4. Preventing Debt Dependency

   Finding sustainable financing models is another critical factor. Both the United States and China should prioritize financing mechanisms that do not overburden African nations with unsustainable debt. For instance, offering grants, low-interest loans, and public-private partnerships could alleviate concerns over debt distress. With debt management collaboration, the United States and China could work together to establish frameworks that support debt restructuring or relief for African nations while ensuring accountability in how funds are utilized.[11]

5. Encouraging Economic Diversification

   The United States and China could help African countries build resilient and diversified economies and reduce resource dependence through investments in sectors beyond natural resources, such as agriculture, technology, and manufacturing. This reduces the risk of conflicts over resource extraction and distribution and eventually focuses on skills development and job creation for African youth to ensure long-term benefits from foreign investments and minimize the risks of social unrest.

6. Strengthening African Agency

   By jointly supporting initiatives to strengthen the capacity of African leaders and institutions to negotiate fair agreements, the United States and China could ensure that economic partnerships align with the continent’s development priorities. Both nations should avoid dominating African decision-making processes, instead supporting African-led development strategies. By focusing on these strategies, the United States and China could create a cooperative framework for economic connectivity that benefits Africa while reducing the risk of conflicts. This approach not only supports Africa's growth but also enhances global stability and demonstrates a shared commitment to equitable development.[12]

The State of China-U.S. Cooperation in Infrastructure and Connectivity

China and the United States have distinct approaches to developing infrastructure and connectivity in Africa. China’s engagement is primarily framed through the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and bilateral agreements, focusing on addressing infrastructure and connectivity gaps. Beijing views Africa’s development as an opportunity, positioning itself as the dominant external player in the continent’s infrastructure sector, largely through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).[13] Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and banks finance large-scale projects—including roads, railways, ports, and energy infrastructure—often through loans that critics argue contribute[bb1]  to Africa’s debt distress.[14] China prioritizes infrastructure-led development, emphasizing speed, cost-effectiveness, and long-term strategic gains. China’s companies such as Huawei are expanding telecoms and other forms of connectivity. While its investments are sometimes criticized for lower construction quality [bb2] and increasing Africa’s debt burden, many African nations face a fundamental choice: develop rapidly with available financing or risk stagnation.[15]

The United States, by contrast, has historically had limited engagement in Africa’s infrastructure sector. However, in recent years, Washington has launched initiatives such as Prosper Africa, Power Africa, and the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII).[16] These programs focus on private sector–driven, sustainable, and transparent infrastructure projects. U.S. engagement emphasizes good governance, local job creation, and financial viability, while often critiquing China’s loan-heavy approach. Given the ongoing U.S.–China rivalry, large-scale cooperation on African infrastructure is unlikely in the near term. However, limited engagement through multilateral institutions, climate initiatives, and debt relief mechanisms may present opportunities for alignment. Africa, in turn, is increasingly positioning itself as a key player, leveraging both powers to maximize its infrastructure and connectivity development. Both the United States and China could collaborate on these areas if they align their engagements with AfCFTA and AU’s Agenda 2063.

Pillars for U.S.-China Cooperation in Africa

1. Respect for African Sovereignty and Agency

   African nations must have the sovereignty and autonomy to define their development priorities based on their unique contexts and aspirations.[17] The growing engagement of China with Africa and the rivalry between China and the United States have brought Africa into the geopolitical spotlight. Africans now question why their continent should become a battleground for this competition and instead expect these powers to engage constructively in ways that benefit Africa’s development and stability.[18] For the United States and China, meaningful engagement with AU frameworks and regional economic communities is essential to ensure their policies and initiatives align with Africa's self-determined development goals.[19] This requires moving beyond a top-down approach to one that actively incorporates African perspectives and priorities.

   Respect for African agency is a cornerstone of building sustainable and mutually beneficial partnerships.[20] For both the United States and China, demonstrating respect for Africa’s agency is not merely a moral imperative but a strategic necessity. The United States and China could counter long-standing perceptions of exploitative relationships by positioning themselves as genuine partners that listen, collaborate, and support Africa’s vision. The United States could work to dispel narratives that frame its engagement as overly paternalistic, while China could address concerns about debt dependency and environmental impact. However, both narratives can be misleading and fail to capture the full picture.[21] For instance, Africa’s debt to China remains below 20%, yet the prevailing discourse disproportionately blames China, even as it seeks to match Western influence.[22]

   Furthermore, such an approach enhances the legitimacy and appeal of their aid, fostering trust and credibility. African nations are more likely to see these powers as preferred partners if they consistently prioritize Africa's long-term development over short-term strategic gains. Respecting Africa’s agency also requires transparency in engagements, equitable investment practices, and commitments to building local capacity and ownership over projects. Ultimately, this shift will benefit all parties: African nations gain partners that genuinely support their development goals, while the United States and China secure enduring relationships that bolster their influence, promote stability, and create opportunities for collaborative growth in Africa's economic and security landscapes.

2. Joint Investments in Shared Priorities

   Collaboration between the United States and China on infrastructure development in Africa could revolutionize the continent’s growth. By combining U.S. strengths in technology, governance frameworks, and financing ("software") with China’s expertise in large-scale construction and logistics ("hardware"), trilateral projects could deliver high-impact outcomes. These initiatives would enhance connectivity within Africa and build essential infrastructure, such as roads, ports, and digital networks, which are foundational for sustainable economic development.

   Joint support for the AfCFTA remains crucial. The AfCFTA provides a platform for economic integration that could drive intra-African trade and create economies of scale. The United States and China could support this by aligning their investments with the trade area’s goals such as enhancing food security and agricultural growth. For instance, China’s manufacturing investments and industrial parks could be complemented by U.S.-led technology transfers and capacity-building programs, enabling Africa to develop robust value chains and increase competitiveness in global markets. China’s efforts to synchronize its BRI with the AU’s Agenda 2063 demonstrate the potential for strategic alignment. Similarly, the United States and China could enhance Africa’s economic prospects by tailoring their engagements to align with Agenda 2063’s long-term vision—to transform Africa into a global powerhouse. This could involve coordinated investment in key sectors such as renewable energy, healthcare, and education, ensuring that their efforts amplify Africa’s aspirations rather than creating competing silos of influence.[23]

   Debt management is a critical area where joint efforts are urgently needed, in both improving access to financing and addressing unfair risk assessments that cost Africa billions.[24] Exaggerated and subjective risk evaluations artificially inflate the cost of capital, forcing African countries to pay exorbitant interest rates in global markets.[25] Reforming these assessments is essential to ensuring fairer access to financing and supporting Africa’s economic growth. A first step would involve achieving transparency regarding how Africa’s debt is distributed among China, the United States, and other creditors. This should include clarity on loan terms, interest rates, and repayment structures to identify the true impact of debt burdens on African economies. Armed with this information, the United States and China could collaborate to design collective debt relief mechanisms. These could include restructuring debt, lowering interest rates, and extending repayment periods to ensure Africa’s financial sustainability while preserving its creditworthiness. Beyond debt relief, the United States and China could contribute to long-term financial sustainability in Africa by investing in local financial institutions and providing technical assistance to improve fiscal management. Joint initiatives to enhance financial literacy and governance would empower African nations to avoid future debt traps and build resilience against economic shocks. By focusing on these shared priorities, the United States and China could move beyond rivalry and create a cooperative framework that benefits Africa while addressing their regional strategic interests. Such collaboration would improve Africa's economic landscape and serve as a model for addressing global challenges through partnership and mutual respect.[26]

3. The Case for Collaboration

   The United States and China must recognize that Africa's success is integral to global stability and prosperity. Africa seeks partnership, not paternalism, and stands as an active agent in shaping its own future.[27] By working together, the United States and China could contribute to building a stable, prosperous, and thriving continent. Such collaboration would demonstrate the major powers’ ability to rise above differences and serve as a model for cooperation in an increasingly multipolar world. Real-world examples, such as joint healthcare initiatives during the Ebola pandemic from 2014–2016, highlight the potential for cooperation between the United States and China.[28] Africa could act as a bridge for collaboration, emphasizing pragmatic, mutually beneficial solutions over competition. This approach would acknowledge Africa’s centrality in global affairs and leverage its unique position to foster solutions that benefit all parties involved.

4. Learning from the Cold War Legacy

   Africa's experience during the Cold War underscores the dangers of treating the continent as a mere theater for proxy conflicts. During this period, African nations were destabilized through covert interventions, military coups, and ideologically driven divisions imposed by external powers.[29] Strategic alliances, rather than genuine development goals, shaped aid and investment, undermining African sovereignty and fostering economic stagnation.[30]

   Michelle D. Gavin in 2021 emphasized how this period left a legacy of distrust in global powers’ intentions. African nations were fractured, not by local priorities but by external ideologies, resulting in fragile institutions and long-term underdevelopment.[31] Parallels between these Cold War dynamics and the current competition between the United States and China in Africa are evident.[32] Déjà vu appears in the making, with Africa once again at risk of being viewed not as a partner in global development but as a prize in strategic rivalries. If left unchecked, this competition threatens to replay old mistakes, with African interests overshadowed by external power struggles. The scars of Cold War rivalries, including fragile governance structures and economic underdevelopment, are a stark reminder of the costs of zero-sum approaches.[33]

5. Building Trust and Moving Forward

   To avoid repeating history, the United States and China must prioritize trust building and engage Africa as an equal partner. This requires concrete actions, not just promises, to align with African-led frameworks including Agenda 2063 and the AfCFTA. By respecting Africa’s priorities, Washington and Beijing could foster trust, enhance their reputations, and set a precedent for collaboration over rivalry. Africa remembers the Cold War’s legacy of division.[34] To rebuild trust, global powers must abandon zero-sum strategies and pursue sustainable partnerships. U.S.-China cooperation in Africa offers a chance to break from past rivalries, empower African institutions, and focus on shared progress rather than competition. Avoiding past mistakes is both a moral and a pragmatic necessity. Africa’s development should be a shared success, not a casualty of great power politics. Trust is the foundation of meaningful partnerships, and Africans must ensure their continent remains a platform for cooperation, not conflict. Together, nations could make Africa a symbol of global unity and progress.

   The dynamics of great power competition often lead to unpredictable shifts, with potential consequences for Africa’s political and economic landscape. No one can predict how a losing rival will respond in Africa in the coming years. However, the lessons of the Cold War provide a crucial foundation for navigating this rivalry.[35] Rather than becoming a battleground for external interests, Africa must strategically position itself to leverage competition for its benefit. By maintaining a balanced, pragmatic approach and prioritizing its development agenda, Africa could turn geopolitical rivalries into opportunities for investment, infrastructure development, and technological advancement—ensuring it emerges stronger rather than bearing the costs of external power struggles.

End Notes

[1]Yun Sun and Jane Olin-Ammentorp, “The US and China in Africa: Competition or cooperation?” Brookings Institute, April 28, 2014, https://www.brookings.edu/articles/the-us-and-china-in-africa-competiti….

[2]Amanda Coffie and Lembe Tiky, “Exploring Africa’s agency in international politics,” Africa Spectrum 56, no. 3 (2021), 243–253, https://doi.org/10.1177/00020397211050080.

[3]Amara Galileo, “US-China rivalry and the future of Africa,” E-International Relations, August 1, 2024, https://www.e-ir.info/2024/08/01/us-china-rivalry-and-the-future-of-afr….

[4] David H. Shinn, “China's growing role in Africa: Implications for U.S. policy,” Senate Committee on Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs, November 1, 2011, https://www.foreign.senate.gov/imo/media/doc/David_Shinn_Testimony.pdf.

[5]Coffie and Tiky, “Exploring Africa’s agency in international politics.”

[6]Muhamed Qasim and Fauzia M. Sana, “US-China rivalry in Africa,” Institute for Strategic Studies, Research and Analysis, July 5, 2023, https://issra.pk/pub/insight/2023/US-China-Rivalry-in-Africa/US-China-R….

[7] Folashade Soule, “Zero-sum? Benefitting from great power rivalry in Africa,” Africa Policy Research Initiative, October 25, 2021, https://afripoli.org/zero-sum-benefitting-from-great-power-rivalry-in-a….

[8] Jung Gu, “Can the US and China cooperate to support development in Africa?” Institute of Development Studies, January 31, 2023, https://www.ids.ac.uk/opinions/can-the-us-and-china-cooperate-to-suppor….

[9] African Union, “The African continental free trade area,” https://au.int/en/african-continental-free-trade-area.

[10]Alan Tonelson, The race to the bottom: Why a worldwide worker surplus and uncontrolled free trade are sinking American living standards (New York: Basic Books, 2002).

[11]Deborah Bräutigam, The dragon’s gift: The real story of China in Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).

[12]The African Union Agenda 2063, https://au.int/en/agenda2063/aspirations.

[13]Yu Jei and Jon Wallace, “The Belt and Road Initiative,” Chatham House, 2023, https://www.chathamhouse.org/2021/09/what-chinas-belt-and-road-initiati….

[14] Africa Defense Forum, “As Chinese Debt Comes Due, African Nations Struggle With Repayments,” https://adf-magazine.com/2024/02/as-chinese-debt-comes-due-african-nati…

[15] Alliance for Innovation and Infrastructure, “China’s Infrastructure and Construction Problem,” https://www.aii.org/chinas-infrastructure-and-construction-problem/

[16]The American Presidency Project, https://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/documents/fact-sheet-us-africa-partners….

[17]Coffie and Tiky, “Exploring Africa’s agency in international politics.”

[18]Ali Mazrui, Africa’s international relations: The diplomacy of dependency and change (London: Routledge, 1977).

[19]African Union, “Regional economic communities,” https://au.int/en/recs.

[20] Sun and Olin-Ammentorp, “The US and China in Africa.”

[21] Sun and Olin-Ammentorp, “The US and China in Africa.”

[22] Yvonne Mhango, “Africa insight: Minerals in focus as China taps debt diplomacy,” Bloomberg Economics, September 10, 2024, 
https://www.bloomberg.com/professional/insights/regional-analysis/afric…; Alex Vines, Creon Butler, and Yu Jei, “The response to debt distress in Africa and the role of China,” Chatham House, December 2022,

https://www.chathamhouse.org/sites/default/files/2022-12/2022-12-15-afr….

[23]Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, “Forum on China-Africa cooperation Beijing action plan (2025–2027),” September 5, 2024, https://www.mfa.gov.cn/eng/xw/zyxw/202409/t20240905_11485719.html.

[24]Stewart Patrick, Elizabeth Sidiropoulos, and Erica Hogan, “Reimagining global economic governance: African and global perspectives,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, September 16, 2024, https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2024/09/reimagining-global-econo….

[25]UNDP Regional Bureau of Africa , “Strategy, analysis and research team, reducing the cost of financing for Africa: The role of sovereign credit ratings,” April 2023, https://www.undp.org/sites/g/files/zskgke326/files/2023-04/Full%20repor….

[26]Vines, Butler, and Jei, “The response to debt distress in Africa and the role of China.”

[27] Ramsey C. Day, “Bolstering U.S. strategic partnerships with Africa through high-level diplomacy,” in Priorities for the new U.S. administration and Congress on strengthening economic relations with Africa, ed. Zainab Usman, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, December 20, 2024,

https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2024/12/priorities-for-the-new-u….

[28]The Carter Center, “U.S.-China collaboration in combating the 2014 Ebola outbreak in West Africa,” https://www.cartercenter.org/resources/pdfs/peace/china/trs-03-combatin….

[29]Odd Arne Westad, The global Cold War: Third world interventions and the making of our times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).

[30] Hamid Lellou, “US relations with Africa and the New Cold War,” US Army War College Publications, November 21, 2024,
https://publications.armywarcollege.edu/News/Display/Article/3974676/us….

[31] Michelle D. Gavin, “Major power rivalry in Africa,” Council on Foreign Relations, Discussion Paper Series on Managing Global Disorder 5, May 2021, https://www.cfr.org/report/major-power-rivalry-africa.

[32]Westad, The global Cold War.

[33] Gavin, “Major power rivalry in Africa.”

[34]Westad, The global Cold War.

[35]Westad, The global Cold War.