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    • Column One
      • Afghanistan

      • American Samoa

      • Armenia
      • Australia
      • Azerbaijan
      • Bahrain
      • Bangladesh

      • Bhutan

      • Brunei

      • Cambodia

      • Central Asia
      • China
      • Cook Islands

      • Cyprus
      • East Asia
      • East Timor
      • Fiji

      • French Polynesia

      • Georgia

      • Guam
    • Column Two
      • Hong Kong
      • India
      • Indonesia
      • Iran
      • Iraq
      • Israel
      • Japan
      • Jordan
      • Kazakhstan
      • Kiribati
      • Kuwait

      • Kyrgyzstan
      • Laos
      • Lebanon
      • Macau
      • Malaysia
      • Maldives
      • Marshall Islands
      • Micronesia

      • Mongolia

    • Column Three
      • Myanmar

      • Nauru

      • Nepal

      • New Caledonia

      • New Zealand

      • Niue
      • North Korea

      • Northern Marianas
      • Oceania
      • Oman

      • Pakistan

      • Palau
      • Palestine

      • Papua New Guinea
      • Philippines
      • Qatar

      • Samoa
      • Saudi Arabia
      • Singapore

      • Solomon Islands

    • Column Four
      • South Asia
      • Southeast Asia
      • South Korea
      • Sri Lanka
      • Syria
      • Taiwan
      • Tajikistan
      • Thailand
      • Tibet
      • Tokelau
      • Tonga
      • Turkey

      • Turkmenistan

      • Tuvalu
      • United Arab Emirates
      • Uzbekistan
      • Vanuatu
      • Vietnam
      • Wallis and Futuna
      • West Asia
      • Yemen
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US-Iran Relations Since 9/11

 

“To many people's surprise, the government of Iran was one of the first to send condolences to the United States following 9/11. Iran's then-president Mohammad Khatami publicly condemned the attacks and saw the potential of the post-9/11 era as a time to move Iran’s foreign policy in a more conciliatory direction with the U.S. and the West generally. Tehran’s long-held view of both Al Qaeda and the Taliban as ideological enemies provided a clear-cut point of commonality with Washington. From this basis, a remarkable period of U.S.-Iran cooperation began as Iran joined the U.S. to overthrow the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. Iran then participated in the U.S.-sponsored Bonn Conference and helped to establish a new Afghan government that took office in December 2001. In Bonn, Iranian officials even approached their U.S. counterparts about engaging in dialogue on broader issues,” says Suzanne DiMaggio, Asia Society’s Vice President for Global Policy Programs.

 

“But this new-found basis of cooperation quickly faded when President George W. Bush called Iran part an ‘axis of evil’, alongside Iraq and North Korea, in late January 2002. In the ensuing years, both sides have made tentative gestures to each other in hopes of launching rapprochement, but all of these attempts have failed. Today, the U.S.-Iran relationship has reached a dangerous standoff and the specter of violent confrontation hangs in the air. Given the current state of the relationship, the possibility of a ‘grand bargain’ seems removed from reality. But revitalizing tactical cooperation on a common strategic interest -- stabilizing Afghanistan -- may be plausible. With the gradual drawdown of U.S. forces up to 2014, the Obama administration now has a clear imperative to pursue a regional dialogue focused on strengthening cooperation among Afghanistan’s neighbors, including Iran. Two opportunities are approaching: A meeting on the future of Afghanistan to be held in November in Istanbul, where participants will elaborate on regional guarantees, and the Bonn +10 Conference to be held in December in Germany, where the international community will lay out economic initiatives and endorse the actions taken in Istanbul. U.S.-Iran engagement in this regional context would help to buoy both efforts.”

Suzanne, who is based in New York, directs the Asia Society’s Iran Initiative. To arrange an interview, contact the Asia Society communications department at 212-327-9271 or pr@asiasociety.org
 

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