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India, USA
and the World: Let us work together to solve the Political-Economic
Y2K Problem
Remarks
by India's Prime Minister Shri Atal Bihari
Vajpayee in New York
September 28, 1998
Mr. Greenberg, Mr. Platt, Mr. Bouton, Distinguished members
of the Asia Society, Friends,
It is a great honor for me to be invited this evening to speak
at this renowned institution. Its well-deserved fame is the
result of many years of sustained and dedicated work by some
of the most eminent minds of the United States of America.
The Asia Society has provided a forum for the East and the
West to meet, for Asia and America to meet and, on many occasions,
for India and the USA to meet.
All of us know through experience, the most productive meetings
between nations are often those that take place outside the
formal framework of diplomacy and summitry. It is when political
leaders, intellectuals and policy makers of two or more countries
meet and interact in informal and friendly settings that trust
develops and understanding deepens.
I would, therefore, at the outset like to compliment the Asia
Society for its excellent work in the field of what is called
popular diplomacy.
March elections mirror India's democratic pluralism
Friends, this is my first visit to the USA after assuming
the office of Prime Minister of India.
In March this year, we completed what have been described
as the largest elections in the history of the world, with
an electorate of over 600 million people. To Indians today,
the vast majority of whom were born in freedom, democracy
is the natural and only acceptable form of governance.
This very fact characterizes the remarkable journey that India
has traveled in fifty years during which India has remained
true to its values, and has succeeded in knitting together
its many diversities into a strong, coherent, pluralistic
society.
Despite changes in government, the political system itself
has remained remarkably stable. This testifies to the inherent
strength and stability of democratic traditions in India.
India's commitment to democratic pluralism is also reflected
in the Government which I head. Ours is a coalition Government
led by the Bharatiya Janata Party. We have prepared a common
program which defines the National Agenda for Governance.
We are convinced that maturing of coalition politics is what
India needs at the present juncture.
Our objective is clear, to build a strong, prosperous and
self-confident India, which occupies its rightful place in
the comity of nations.
We know that India has what it takes to achieve a far higher-
7-8% rate of annual GDP growth. We know that India has what
it takes to emerge as a major manufacturing, trading and exporting
power, by achieving global competitiveness in cost and quality.
We also know that faster economic growth is the key to overcoming
the historical legacy of unemployment and material backwardness
afflicting large sections or our population.
We are fully aware of the problems that lie in the path of
achieving these goals. But we are also convinced that we can
make light of these problems if we act in national interest
in all matters.
Personally speaking, I have always held the national interest
above party and personal interest. This is the pledge I made
to people of India on August 15, in the concluding celebrations
of India's fiftieth anniversary of independence. It is a pledge
that I am determined to honor.
India's bifocal vision: nationalism and internationalism
Friends, India's preoccupation with the imperatives of national
reconstruction has never blinded us to our duties toward the
world. As Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, India's first Prime Minister,
once vividly said, nationalism and internationalism are two
eyes of our national body.
India has never seen what is good for herself without having
simultaneously seen what is good for the whole world.
India's freedom movement, led by Mahatama Ghandi, was without
parallel in its endeavor to harmonize a nation's legitimate
aspirations for political independence with the universal
values and concerns of the human race.
In my lecture this august audience today, I therefore wish
to talk about both India and the world standing expectantly
on the threshold of the 21st century. I do so from an Indian
point of view. But I make bold to claim that the Indian point
of view is broad enough to command respectful attention of
every progressive opinion in America and the world.
The 20th century has been a time of unprecedented changes.
The scale and newness of changes in this century have far
surpassed anything recorded in known history of mankind. Of
this century can it be truly said that "it was the best
of times and it was the worst of times".
It has been a century of world wars and conflicts, of stockpiling
weapons of mass destruction, of colonialism, hegemonism, terrorism
and religious fanaticism.
At the same time, it has also been a century of freedom, relative
peace, prosperity, advance of democracy, spectacular progress
in science and technology, especially recent advances in information
and communication technology, and unprecedented levels of
global cooperation.
The challenge before the world is: how can the worst features
of this century be held in check, reversed and their non-recurrence
ensured? The challenge also is how can we better the best
features of the 20th century for the benefit of all sections
of humanity- and not just some select, privileged nations
and classes, as has happened so far?
Will the new century be really new for humanity, or will it
be a continuation of the old problems and crises and conflicts
that we have seen in our times?
Will the world move decisively in the direction of peace and
disarmament? Will mass poverty, undernourishment and starvation
be things of the past? Will the world financial system become
less volatile and more predictable? And will there be a just
and equitable economic order?
Will we be able to overcome terrorism, ethnic strife and religious
hatred in the coming century?
These are questions that confront the leaders of the world
in the twilight days of the 20th century. By leaders I do
not only mean heads of governments. No. History has thrown
this challenge before all of us- leaders in government, politics,
business, international agencies, academic institutions, media
and cultural organizations. Will we be able to rise to the
occasion?
Today, India, USA and the world stand at a unique moment in
history. As we peer into the future, we find that it is not
so far away at all. In less than 500 days, we will leave the
20th century behind, the second millennium behind and enter
into a new century and new millennium.
As we all know, computer professionals around the world are
busy grappling with what is famously called the Y2K problem.
The problem basically is to re-program software to let computers
know that the Year 2000 has begun. Computers will behave funnily
and be totally unreliable if the Y2K problem is not solved.
Drawing form the computer terminology, let me pose the question:
Have we, the political leaders, heads of governments, policy
makers and intellectuals of the world, begun to re-program
our political and economic minds to take note of the fact
that we are all soon going to enter a new era? I call this
the PE-Y2K- the Political Economic Year 2000- problem.
World Peace: The need to move from deterrence to disarmament
Friends, in order to successfully meet this challenge, leaders
around the world need a new mindset. And the mindset necessary
to sustain the world in the 21st century demands that all
of us must first learn the lessons of the 20th century.
The greatest lesson of this century is that peace is the highest
ideal. The 20th century witnessed two World Wars, each more
ferocious than all the previous wars. The price humanity paid
in these two global conflicts has been so frightening that
the option before the world today is stark: another world
war, which will be a nuclear war, and extinction; or peace,
survival and progress.
For fifty years, world peace has been secured on the tenuous
principle of nuclear deterrence. But this cannot be the durable
basis for peace. The conscience of humanity demands that the
world move away from deterrence to disarmament.
Unfortunately, however, traditional nuclear powers have paid
little heed to this universal demand. They first used the
Cold War as a pretext for a costly arms race. Now, even thought
the Cold War is over, they have sought to perpetuate their
hegemony through discriminatory non-proliferation treaties
which are bound to fail.
It is this hypocrisy and hegemony which forced India to rethink
our nuclear policy recently. As you well know, my country
has championed the cause of peace and disarmament with consistency
and conviction for the past five decades.
We raised our voice for disarmament, both on our own behalf
and on behalf of members of the Non-Aligned Movement, in every
multilateral and bilateral forum. Not only was our demand
disregarded, but also India's sovereign right to keep the
nuclear option open was sought to be curtailed.
In the circumstances, we were force to exercise our nuclear
option both fore reasons of national security and as a powerful
challenge to the practitioners of nuclear apartheid. With
this firm action, we have reminded the nuclear club that the
voice of one-sixth of humanity cannot be ignored.
The lesson of the late is, thus, simple: Disarmament- real,
visible, verifiable disarmament- is the only way to achieve
the goal of non-proliferation.
I do hope that the leadership of America, the country with
the largest stockpile of nuclear weapons and delivery systems
and hence carrying the greatest responsibility for peace on
earth, takes the right course of action in the coming years.
Apprehensions have been expressed in some quarters that recent
developments in South Asia raise the specter of an arms race
and heightened tensions. These apprehensions are misplaced.
Those who voice this apprehension argue that India and Pakistan
have fought three wars in the last fifty years. They forget
to add that here has been no war for the last 25 or 50 years.
And that is because of the bilateral Shimla Agreement arrived
at between India and Pakistan in 1972.
Contrary to what some may believe, bilateralism works. It
is the intrusion by third parties, however well-intentioned,
that creates complications.
Democratization of the world order
Disarmament in turn demands democratization of the world order.
And this brings us to the second greatest lesson of the 20th
century.
This has truly been a Century of Democracy. More and more
countries around the world have embraced democracy, of course
with necessary local variations. But we see a strange dichotomy
here.
Democracy at the global level, as a framework for setting
the norms for international relations, has not kept pace with
the march of democracy as a system of natural governance.
The rich and the powerful make and unmake rules to suit their
partisan interests.
As the world moves into the 21st century, this situation is
totally unsustainable. No nation, however rich and militarily
powerful, can for long pursue interests that do not harmonize
with the interests of the global community.
The age of colonialism, which was the curse of the past few
centuries, is over forever. In no way can the unequal relations
that marked this age be revived without deeply endangering
peace and stability.
I do hope that America, the land that cherishes democratic
values, takes concrete steps to promote democratization of
the world order. The process could begin with the democratization
of UN system.
Needs to restructure Indo-US ties for the good of global democracy
Friends, we in India believe that Indo-US relations, restructured
on an equal footing, constitute the key element in the architecture
of tomorrow's democratized world order. However, I must confess
to being baffled by the unsatisfactory current state of relations
between our tow countries.
We are the two largest democracies in the world, and have
similar political cultures, a free press and the rule of law.
We both have a tradition of private enterprise and free markets.
Above all, I see no conflict of interests between the two
countries in the foreseeable future and yet all of us here
would agree that the full potential of our relationship has
not been realized in the last 50 years.
I have been trying to analyze the reasons and think I can
at least indicate where the shoe pinches us. First and foremost,
it is American reluctance to accept us as a responsible member
of the international community.
Whether it is regional arrangements dealing with Afgahnistan,
where we have vital security and other interests; whether
it is cooperative arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region,
where we have a clearly positive, moderating and stabilizing
role to play; whether it is global organizations like the
UN Security Council or the discriminatory Non-Proliferation
Treaty; in all of these the United States does not appreciate
and accommodate India's interests and concerns.
Secondly, we have been subjected to technology denials virtually
from the time of our independence. Our own export control
regimes are extremely stringent and there has been no leakage
of equipment or technology from India. Despite this, we find
the US unwilling to accommodate us in terms of technology
transfers.
Similarly on South Asian issues, where our supreme national
interests are involved, we encounter policy approaches from
America that go contrary to our basic irreducible security
needs.
An even more serious case of incomprehension in India are
the public statements made by American leaders where our sensitivities
are involved. The statement issued on South Asia during President
Clinton's visit to China and American attempts at putting
pressure on Russia to end its defense and scientific cooperation
with India are two prime examples of recent vintage.
For democratic governments like ours, which desire closer
understanding with the USA, it becomes extremely difficult
to move forward in the face of such public declarations.
Friends, I have argued for restructuring of Indo-US relations
not just because they will help India- but also because they
will help the US itself. Let me repeat what I have said earlier:
Indo-US ties based on equality and mutuality of interests
is going to be the mainstay of tomorrow's stable, democratic
world order.
Reforming the global financial system
Friends, by now it is well recognized that economic democracy
is the very core of democracy, both in a domestic set up as
well as in international relations. But the financial system
that has come into being in the post-World War II period has
proved itself to be anything but democratic.
The intrinsic inequities in this system cannot be rationalized
by saying that they are the result of market forces that brook
no governmental intervention. The 20th century has seen the
heavy price that the dogma of communism extracted.
The world is today paying the price for another dogma: the
dogma of the Invisible Hand of the market forces. We have
seen how irrationally volatile the markets have been.
We have also seen how market instability in one part of the
world quickly travels, like a seismic wave, to other parts
of the world through the fault lines of the global financial
system.
With market instability comes social and political instability.
Overnight ordinary people lose see their hare-earned savings
evaporate, investors lose their market capitalization and
countries lose their value of currencies.
There is no doubt that nations that do not manage their economies
on sound principle invite a penalty in this system. But often
they and their innocent people pay the penalty of unemployment
and price rise for no fault of their own.
It is rightly said that in the era of globalization, the global
market for goods, services, investments and human labor is
one and indivisible- much like the atmosphere that surrounds
our planet. Any damage to the atmosphere at one place adversely
affects all the people inhabiting this planet.
Rich nations of the Western hemisphere, therefore, should
not be under the illusion that they are immune from the crisis
that is currently rippling through Asian markets. There is
an urgent need for collective global action to reform the
world's financial system by refocusing it to meet the priority
growth needs of the human race.
We in India have taken a principled stand towards globalization-
cautious, calibrated and steady integration. This approach
has served our national interests well. We have remained largely
unaffected by the turmoil in the Asian markets.
We know we have to implement many more internal and external
reforms to harness the full potential of our economy. We shall
definitely do so. At the same time, we shall continue to raise
our voice for radically reforming the global economic order
ast eh man guarantor for a stable and peaceful 21st century.
Managing diversities: Key to peaceful world order
There is a fourth important lesson of the 20th century and
it has to do with how we manage diversities. All of us on
this planet belong to different races, regions, religions,
cultures and nationalities. We speak different languages and
hold different views on politics and life. But we all share
the same common home because we are al part of the same human
family.
India's Vedic seers extolled this value by stating that, whereas
the Truth is one, wise men express it differently- Ekam Sat
Viprah Bahudha Vadanti
This was always true. But in the age of globalization, when
interaction and interdependence is a law rather than an exception,
acceptance of the truth of 'Unity is Diversity' and 'Diversity
is Unity' is not just an option. It is an inescapable necessity.
Sadly, unwillingness to accept this truth is at the root of
much violence and strife in many parts of the world today.
When such exclusivism and intolerance are wedded to narrow
political goals, they even give rise to terrorism.
Friends, terrorism has become one of the gravest threats to
civil society, and national security. Here again, both India
and the USA have been its victims. We were shocked and horrified
at the wanton loss of innocent American and African lives
in the recent attacks on the US embassies in Nairobi and Dar-es-Salaam.
We shared the anguish and anger that you felt. The forces
of international terrorism that launched these cowardly attacks
are active in our region also. India has been a target of
relentless terrorist violence. You have Lockerbie, We have
Kanishka. You have the World Trade Center, we have Wandhama.
The threads lead back to one and the same source. It is contemptible
that this is being sponsored and abetted from across our borders.
One country in our region has already fallen to obscurantism.
The international community must act determinedly to prevent
the contagion from spreading.
As the world moves into the next century, we must accept multiculturism
and respect for diversities as a way of life. I am happy to
note here that both India and the United States, which have
a rich experience in peacefully managing diversities, can
work together in this area for the benefit of mankind.
India and America: natural allies in the quest for a better
future
Friends, on all these major challenges facing mankind today,
my belief is that progressive people all over the world have
convergent views. I see this convergence especially among
the forward-looking leaders, policy-makers and intellectuals
of India and America.
It is this convergence, it is this commonality of concerns
and cognition, which reinforces my belief that India and the
United States are natural allies in the quest for a better
future for the world in the 21st century.
Thanks to the initiatives of non-governmental and non-partisan
institutions like the Asia Society, I am sure this alliance
will become stronger and stronger in the coming years.
In conclusion, as an ode to this natural Indo-American alliance,
let me quote a few lines from the poem written by Swami Vivekananda,
one of the greatest Indian sages of modern times.
It is call "To the Fourth of July". It was written
a hundred years ago, on July 4, 1898 when he was travelling
with some American disciples through the woods of Kashmir.
Move on, O Lord, in the resistless path!
Till thy high noon o'erspreads the world,
Till every land reflects thy light,
Till men and women, with uplifted head,
Behold their shackles broken, and
Know, in springing joy, their life renewed!
For more
information on India's foreign policy visit the website of the Washington-based Indian Embassy.
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