A group of Beijing women pose in the courtyard of a wealthy Chinese home. (Okinawa Soba/flickr)
By the end of the Han period, the Confucian vocabulary for talking
about women, their natures, their weaknesses, and their proper roles
and virtues was largely established. The durability of these ways of
thinking undoubtedly owes much to continuities in the family system,
which from Han times on was patrilineal, patrilocal, and patriarchical,
and allowed concubinage. At marriage a woman had to move from the
household of her father to that of her husband’s parents. Given the
importance assigned to continuing the ancestral sacrifices through
patrilineal descendants, a wife’s standing within her family of
marriage depended on the birth of male heirs. Yet, because of the
practice of concubinage, even if a wife bore sons, her standing could
be undermined if her husband took concubines who also bore sons. Thus,
so long as the family system continued without major change, women
would continue to resort to strategies that seemed petty or threatening
to men, and not until a woman became a grandmother was she likely to
see the interests of the family in the same way men in the family did.
To most of those who left written record, however, the problem did not
lie in the family system, but in moral lapses. Thus, moralists held up
models of self-sacrificing women for emulation, women who adhered to
principles of loyalty, chastity, and faithfulness, often at great
personal cost.
By Song (960-1279) times, historical sources are diverse enough to see
that women undertook a wide range of activities never prescribed in
Confucian didactic texts. There were widows who ran inns, midwives
delivering babies, pious women who spent their days chanting sutras,
nuns who called on such women to explain Buddhist doctrine, girls who
learned to read with their brothers, farmers’ daughters who made money
by weaving mats, childless widows who accused their nephews of seizing
their property, wives who were jealous of the concubines their husbands
brought home, and women who drew from their dowries to help their
husband’s sisters marry well.
It is often said that the status of women began to decline in the Song
period, just when Neo-Confucianism was gaining sway. The two signs of
this decline most frequently mentioned are the pressure on widows not
to remarry and the practice of binding young girls’ feet to prevent
them from growing more than a few inches long. Foot binding seems to
have steadily spread during Song times, and explanations for it should
be sought in Song circumstances, but widow chastity had very little
specific connection to the Song, the idea predating the Song and the
exaggerated emphasis on it developing much later.
Foot binding was never recommended by Confucian teachers; rather, it
was associated with the pleasure quarters and with women’s efforts to
beautify themselves. Mothers bound the feet of girls aged five to
eight, using long strips of cloth. The goal was to keep their feet from
growing and to bend the four smaller toes under to make the foot narrow
and arched. Foot binding spread gradually during Song times but
probably remained largely an elite practice. In later centuries, it
became extremely common in north and central China, eventually
spreading to all classes. Women with bound feet were less mobile than
women with natural feet, but only those who could afford servants bound
their feet so tight that walking was difficult.
By contrast, the idea of widow chastity was not new in Song times. Ban
Zhao had written, “According to ritual, husbands have a duty to marry
again, but there is no text that authorizes a woman to remarry.” The
increased emphasis on widow chastity has usually been blamed on the
Neo-Confucian philosopher Cheng Yi, who once told a follower that it
would be better for a widow to die of starvation than to lose her
virtue by remarrying. In later centuries, this saying was often quoted
to justify pressuring widows, even very young ones, to stay with their
husband’s family and not marry someone else. One reason widows in Yuan
(Mongol) (1215-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) times might have wanted to
remain with their husbands’ families is that they no longer could take
their dowries into a new marriage. When the husband’s family did not
want to provide support for a son’s widow, the moral stricture against
remarriage would have helped the widow insist that she be allowed to
stay and adopt a son.
By the early Qing period (1644-1911), the cult of widow chastity had
gained a remarkably strong hold, especially in the educated class.
Childless widows might even commit suicide. Young women whose weddings
had not yet taken place sometimes refused to enter into another
engagement after their fiancé died. Instead, they would move to their
fiancé’s home and serve his parents as a daughter-in-law. Although most
Confucian scholars and government officials disapproved of widow
suicide and chaste fiancées, they often expressed great admiration for
the determination of particular women they knew, thus helping spread
the custom.
At the same time that widow chastity was becoming more prevalent, more
and more women were learning to read and write. In the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries a surprising number had their poetry published.
Women with poetic talents figure prominently in the great
eighteenth-century novel,
The Dream of Red Mansions (also called
Story of the Stone).
Although the male hero, Baoyu, is a young man of great sensitivity,
several of his female cousins are even more talented as poets. Some
women in this large fictional family have considerable power—especially
the grandmother who can force her sons and nephews to do what she
wants, and the daughter-in-law who handles the family’s finances. The
young unmarried women, however, may have been able to acquire literary
educations as good as the boys, but they had even less control over
their fates than he had.
As in much of the rest of the world, in twentieth century China,
intellectuals and social activists leveled many criticisms against the
old family system and especially the ways it limited women’s chances.
Foot binding, widow chastity, parental control of marriage, and
concubinage have all been eliminated. It should always be kept in mind,
however, that a great many women were able to fashion satisfying lives
under the old system.
Yin and Yang works to a point until economics becomes a part of the scene in any industrial nation. The outcome is that dominance of Yang quickly rises to the surface to enslave yin for economic advantage. In departing from the natural order of the universe where yin and yang are in balance, and vital to each other, cutting yin out of the global picture can produce social frustration at the expense of yin to maximize economics.
Logic says this forces men to dominate women for economic advantage, an alien concept to mutual harmony, which distorts the yin and yang philosophy for sovereign purpose. It can be borne out by observing that most factories in China appear to be manned by women workers, not men workers. Enslavement of women is not a global privilege unless the society is committed to social darwinism much as animals are.
What is the point of yin and yang theory if social darwinism is the way society works? It becomes rhetoric, and unnecessary to human enlightenment because no one practices what they preach.
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